Showing posts with label class. Show all posts
Showing posts with label class. Show all posts

Wednesday, April 16, 2008

Personal Reflections of a National Security Advisor

How it happened and why:

The first problem the White House faced is that we did not have an agenda. How could we? The agenda of the President in the real world is set after a great deal of contemplation. Our executive leadership had nothing they wanted to accomplish, other than to “have fun”. We were doomed from the beginning to end up dancing to the tune of others because we had no music of our own to play.

We needed to hold a press conference, but we really had nothing to say. Of course the press was severely disappointed! We also never reached out to any other government – I think we were so busy paying attention to what was happening in the real world that we forgot we could let go of that a little bit and actually have talks or debates.

I observed a decided lack of initiative and little risk-taking (which is probably common to bureaucracy in general – the neck stuck out is the one that fits the guillotine). The press slammed us before, during and after the press conference. Some criticism was legitimate, some was absurd. I was frustrated (see below) but did not feel excused to act. My final move was to address a letter directly to the reporter my colleagues seemed to hate the most, and with whom things were entirely out of hand. The ANSA probably does not take time to write a sincere email to a foreign media journalist, but I was sick of the caustic tone (which, admittedly, I encouraged at first – see below).

I genuinely believe that each member of the group wanted to enjoy the assignment and play to the best of their capability. Unfortunately, involvement did not match role, and as a group, our schedules were dissimilar enough to prevent us from ever really coming together.

Although working in a group, as usual most of my insights are about myself. First, I learned that I hate indecisive leadership. If I am going to follow someone, I need to know that he or she has a vision. As the National Security Advisor, I felt incredibly restrained to providing support and guidance only. I did not “set” the agenda because I needed to stay on top of any potential security threat. I had no political desire to see any particular threat become the central focus for the media – in fact I did my best to remain apolitical and focus on facts. I prefer to lead, but I know I can follow gracefully if convinced of the leader's worth. I tried to follow in this case, with lackluster results.

This is the second thing I learned about myself – I hated not having a forum for response. The National Security Advisor, I believed (perhaps wrongly?) does not have time to correct all the egregious errors and rumors promulgated by the press. Some of the articles I found to be completely worthless and unprofessional. I wanted to denounce the ridiculous assertions (“the surge in Iraq is no longer necessary” “General Patreus”) but also didn't feel like being drawn into the trap of responding to everything and letting the media lead me around on a leash. In the end, the best I could do was release a situation report that subtly addressed a few of the points from the journalists, without directly responding. I made sure not to speak for the Administration – as it became clear that the Administration had nothing to say – but somewhat appeased my own desire for rectification. I should have liked to be one of the bloggers, free to ridicule and make everything my business. Turning my nose up at shoddy journalism was all too frustrating.

Still on the subject of the media, I found myself wanting to purposefully make their job difficult. Why? I couldn't say – perhaps retribution for having my inbox jammed with questions beneath my attention. It was my suggestion that the press conference invitation only be offered to the members of the media we had had contact with. It was my suggestion (perhaps a stronger word is in order) that we refuse to respond directly to the press. It seemed clear to me from the beginning that press perceived themselves in an antagonistic role towards our administration, especially since the administration didn't help itself by failing to immediately set a professional tone and agenda.

As a group, we didn't work together much. I think we all felt a general sense of helplessness – the senior executives lacked initiative to implement and follow through on any plans of action, and as I mentioned before, I felt that my role was to advise, not direct. Most likely this was a mistake on my part. I'm certain I could have pushed any agenda I wished through the leadership – the President read almost word for word the update on Iran I prepared – but I felt compelled to remain loyal to the administration. I suppose I might have “leaked” my frustrations, but again, some sense of duty restrained me. I anticipated at the beginning that my role would be to feed the executive leadership security concerns on any pressing issues, but I was never asked for any. I provided my thoughts anyway. But again, I didn't have an agenda. I think if the exercise began with a one page individual and private memo answering the question “what is your agenda?”, I would have been able to think of several agendas I could have had – pressure Congress to give more funding/fewer restrictions to the IC, pressure various foreign governments into committing more funding to the GWoT. I should have thought of these, or anything, but instead I tried to play with the team, in the support role.

Finally, and truly the most frustrating: I spent a good deal of the simulation locked away in a SCIF. This created two problems for me. One, I received the daily blitz mostly in one lump sum. Since the reports typically consisted of regurgitated news focusing on the non-security matters, I largely dismissed my classmates' contributions. Two, after being surrounded by real news and real national security all day long, I had to recuse myself from speculating on national security situations for fear of alluding to classified material. I was extraordinarily reluctant to play this role with much vigor, and I felt the constant need to keep my head “out of the game” as it were. So while it was good OPSEC practice, I was certainly restrained.

Overall – I could have done better. I should not have let my “advisor” title tie my hands. I should -

I just read a White House release with my name on it. To which I did not provide input. I change my mind. Everyone could have done better. I didn't observe anyone handle their job, myself included. Opinion veiled as “journalism”, mouthpieces with a mind of their own, leaders who didn't lead....

I've already written too much, so the last few points will be quick: when presenting, compartmentalize- economics and Iran should never have been mixed. Give Neil Barlow an A. He was probably the one person in the class with energy and commitment. And in the future, I can't function unless I always have a plan.

Monday, April 7, 2008

Psyops!!


The Psyops Cyclops!!!

So, today in class we talked about "covert" ways to frame/set agendas... Public Relations, Advertisements, PSYOPS!!!

I just really like the word psyops.

But, seriously, what kind of moral questions are attached to psychological operations? If ends can be achieved, are the means justified? What kind of attachment to "truth" do we have? Is a psychological operation better/less invasive than other kinds of operations?

Personally, my time at Georgetown has made me more of a realist than I'm sometimes comfortable with. I find myself able to justify all kinds of quasi-ethical operations in the name of national security. What happened to my convictions about liberty??

Sunday, March 30, 2008

Book Report?

Haven't had class in awhile - I really thought we were supposed to show up last Wednesday but there only ended up being about 10 of us so... okay!
Not sure how the book report fits in to the rest of what we are doing with these journals and etc, but I'm just going to jot a few ideas here:
1.) I just finished the Utility of Force by British General Rupert Smith, who led UN forces in the Bosnian and Gulf War conflicts. General Smith looks to "update" the Clausewitzian Trinity to the modern age and extensively looks at the role of the media and the increasingly-involved international community.
2.) Language Shock, by Michael Agar, sits on my shelf (a bookstore purchase that hasn't made it to the top of the queue yet - it's somewhere after Paris: The Secret History and The Fabric of the Cosmos). It claims to be about not taking language for granted - that language is a byproduct of culture. This relates in class to the idea of looking at the foreign media - an English translation of an article, or even an article produced in English but intended for the consumption of a specific audience is very, very different down to the level of the very words...

Monday, March 17, 2008

Why We Fight

I've been thinking about the documentary by Frank Capra that we watched in class today. In no particular order:
(1) We forget sometimes the propaganda that our country engages in. We think of "propaganda" as a peculiar element of Soviet countries and other enemies of the state, but we churned out one-sided media just as readily. The difference of course is that the free market makes room for more than just the propaganda, whereas the closed market disseminates only state approved messages.
(2) It's amazing how transparent the propaganda is to our savvy 21st century eyes. It makes me wonder what I am accepting as unbiased today that future generations will giggle at.
(3) All those Biblical references in a film produced by the Department of War and intended for Army use - wouldn't see that today. I liked it.
(4) The narrator (Walter Huston) at times sounded like Burl Ives in Rudolph the Red-Nosed Reindeer.
(5) Speaking of Hollywood and WWII, I've been meaning for some time to track down a book about the Hollywood prop masters who fooled the enemy into believing in the existence of entire brigades that were entirely fabricated.

What questions do I have?
(1) Is propaganda an appropriate tool for a democracy to use?
(2) During war, does the media have an obligation to cooperate with its government or is its responsibility to scrutinize it even more carefully?

(1) I think that propaganda is usually not terribly useful, as it seems that anything published by the government is immediately suspect. What about items covertly published by the government? It may be that the internet may ferret some of these out, but overall I suppose the intent must be scrutinized. A democratic government should not be in the business of duping its own people. However, propaganda targeted at foreign allies, neutrals, and enemies, I suspect may be of value.

Wednesday, March 12, 2008

Pterodactyl Egg Marinade

To be perfectly honest I already forget why we talked about Pterodactyl egg marinade and how fire improved the process - but if I had to hazard a guess, I would say that it was in relation to the role of "technology".
Technology has always been in the arsenal of the media. They don't seem particularly to be innovators but they are quickly shaped by the newest medium. As Dr. Parker mentioned in class, "you can't put the toothpaste back in the tube". Once technology is unleashed, it is here to stay until it is replaced. It's a fine line between one who exercises wise caution and the luddite, and a fine line between what is visionary and what is merely trendy.
I wrote a paper once about how technological evolution impacted cryptology and cryptanalysis. I found that each new generation of technology tended to switch the advantage between the coders and decoders. I wonder if a similar look at the media could be made - when does the technological medium of the media benefit the sender and when does it benefit the receiver? Does "advantage" even exist in those terms?
I think I cannot answer the question the way I posed it. Rather, I might make the hesitant claim that each new iteration of media technology (the newspaper, the telegraph, the radio, the television,the fax, the internet, etc) wrests control away from the sender. The receiver, certainly at risk of overstimulation, now has access to a wide range of information and can easier evade any controls set up by the sender.
Of course, everything I just said only applies to this country. Hmmm.

Wednesday, February 27, 2008

Molotov Cocktail

I just want it to be known that the titles of these class notes are taken directly from my notebook, which means they were uttered or inspired by the lecture.

Today in class we talked about Infoseeking vs. Confirmation Seeking behaviors. Infoseeking describes those who legitimately are looking for more information on a given subject, whereas confirmation seekers are only tuning in to opinions and facts that reaffirm their previously held world view.
Clearly, one of these behaviors is conducive to a thoughtful approach, and the other isn't. However, confirmation seeking happens in many more circumstances than we may realize. The example brought up in class was of the campaign debates. Those people who tend to watch the debates also tend to be a certain type of people, who go to debate watch parties and follow politics closely. Those who prefer the sound bite approach to debates will wait until the next day -- when the sound bites are released.

(1) How can the populace be more engaged in the electoral process?
(2) Where do Confirmation Seekers originally get their beliefs?

In answer to (2), I believe that probably a mixture of formal and informal education contributes to the formation of schemas and biases. Parents, culture, and other experiences all contribute. So as easy as it is to criticize confirmation seekers, it is necessary to note that they are only seeking media that confirms things they know from real life. Are information seekers changing their "real" world to fit things they hear from talking heads?

Wednesday, February 20, 2008

A lot of writing on the chalkboard

Today we wrote on the chalkboard and I realized that I have horrible cramped handwriting.

We also learned about the push-pull effect - the "everyone already knows this, and no one cares" reasoning behind not reporting on certain aspects of foreign policy. Overall, "everyone in the process is guilty".

I am wondering a little bit about questioning the motives of the media, foreign policy officials, the government, etc. Yes, the media has an agenda. Many agendas - competing agendas, even. But everyone has an agenda. I feel that a better day-to-day standard of information screening is to assume that all information is biased and tainted, regardless of its source. Instead of trying to navigate all the twists and turns on the LA Freeway (following all the advantages, agendas, frames, disincentives, etc), why not just heap grains of salt and consume it all? Possible outcomes include (1) a more critical approach to news, (2) overwhelming cynicism (3) heart attack - sodium is bad for you.